The Civil Rights Act if 1875 was rarely enforced and in 1883 it was overturned by a Supreme Court decision which found it to violate states' rights. In these "Civil Rights Cases" Justice Harlan gave a now-famous dissent, writing "I am of opinion that such discrimination is a badge of servitude, the imposition of which congress may prevent under its power, through appropriate legislation, to enforce the thirteenth Amendment; and consequently, without reference to its enlarged power under the fourteenth Amendment, the act of March 1, 1875, is not, in my judgment, repugnant to the constitution."
Section 2 provides that "no voting qualification or prerequisite to voting, or standard, practice, or procedure shall be imposed or applied by any state or political subdivision to deny or abridge the right of any citizen of the United States to vote on account of race of color.''
Section 5 prohibits states and portions of states from instituting any new voting procedures, including new districts, without first giving the attorney general a chance to object or getting a ruling from U.S. District Court in Washington that the change "does not have the purpose and will not have the effect of denying or abridging the right to vote on account of race or color.''
The immediate impact of the act was that by the end of 1965, a quarter of a million new African American voters were registered, one third of them by federal examiners. The Voting Rights Act was renewed and extended in 1970, 1975, and 1982.
The 1975 renewal required bilingual ballots in all states, Justice Department or federal court approval for all changes in state election laws affecting aspects of the act, and extended voting rights protections to Hispanic Americans, Asian Americans, and Native Americans. The 1982 renewal eliminated the need to prove "intent to discriminate"; prosecutors were allowed to use objective outcomes as sufficient evidence of voting discrimination. Also, the courts were given the power to redraw city and state election district lines to maximize minority representation.
In City of Mobile vs. Bolden (1980), the Supreme Court had ruled 6:3 that Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act invalidated only those voting practices that were adopted for the purpose of discriminating. Practices that had only a discriminatory effect, as the at-large city commission challenged in that case, were not banned. The Voting Rights Act of 1982 was intended to and did overturn this decision.
The Voting Rights Act of 1982 held minorities not only had a right to vote, but a right "to elect representatives of their choice." In 1986, a split Supreme Court in Thornburg vs. Gingles (1986) held the 1982 act required states with many minority voters to draw electoral districts that ensured those voters would be represented in Congress, the state legislature or other elected bodies. Based on the 1982 act and the 1986 decision, especially following the 1990 census (which required redrawing voting boundaries for most states), most states with a large number of minority voters sought to create "majority-minority" districts so as to comply with the law. This led to a doubling of the number of African Americans represented in Congress.
In 1995 a more conservative Supreme Court, by a 5:4 vote, held unconstitutional any state redistricting which used race as a "predominant factor" in drawing electoral boundaries (Miller v. Johnson, 1995). The opinion by Justice Anthony M. Kennedy affirmed a lower court finding that Georgia's 11th Congressional District was unconstitutional. In a separate 1995 case, the Supreme Court further limited the Voting Rights Act of 1982 by holding that states with a large population of African Americans and/or Hispanic Americans need not always create a "majority-minority" electoral district to satisfy the law. Rather than establishing a single "majority-minority" district, courts may establish two or more districts where minority voters make up at least 25 percent of the total and thereby can influence who gets elected. The 8-1 decision, in a Tennessee case, removed from states the legal pressure to create electoral districts that elect minorities to Congress, the state legislature, county councils or school boards. In refusing to hear an appeal in the Tennessee case, the Supreme Court took the unusual step of issuing an order officially upholding the restrictive ruling in the Tennessee case.